Just got back from Ferrari World in Yas Island, Abu Dhabi and I've gotta say it's really an experience of a lifetime! As it has just opened on 4th November 2010, everything is still very new and the park is not that packed, so you get to enjoy all the facilities if you go now! It seems the peak time on a Friday weekend is from 5:30 – 9:30 pm where you get longer queues for all the rides but beyond those times the queues were quite short, with an average wait time of 5 – 20 mins depending on popularity of the rides.

1. Formula Rossa

Anyway, I practically sat on all the rides and even went on the Formula Rossa for 5x! This ride is, in a word, AWESOME! Imagine sitting in a car accelerating from 0 – 100km/h in 2 sec and then reaching top speeds of 240km/h, all in a ride of about 1 min+ ! I managed to sit on almost all parts of the car, from the front to the back and I've gotta say the back end gives you the best ride, more twist and turns, more acceleration but the front end, you get to see the tracks, you get more wind onto your face. Still, all in all, a very good ride anywhere on the Formula Rossa.

Also, a warning to those with a big tummy, if you can't fit in the sit, they won't let you go on the ride!

Anyway, enough talking here are some videos showing the ride:

The full circuit:

Short clip showing the INSANE acceleration:

Another clip showing the INSANE acceleration:

2. Scuderia Challenge

The Scuderia Challenge is basically a Ferrari F1/GT simulator. You can opt to go for the group option with smaller less powerful simulators but you get to race with your friends or go solo and pay AED50 for the real thing and I definitely recommend the F1 option where you get to be strapped in to the car like a real F1 driver and the handling feels really real, even up to the vibrations of driving on the grass or the kerb! Also, the tickets are time slotted i.e. if they give you a ticket that says it's gonna be at 7pm, you can go do other stuff and then come back at 7pm to play. Anyway, here's a video for you to see how it works:

3. G-Force

G-Force could have been a great ride but it seems the tower is too short and you barely clear the roof of the Ferrari World Park so there's no view at all. When I was there, we were given 2 shots to be shot up the tower but it all lasts only about 1 min.

4. Fiorano GT Challenge

Fiorano GT Challenge sounds like a cool concept, 2 roller coasters side-by-side interweaving at some points to give the illusion of a near miss collision but it seems like it goes abit too slow, and if you've taken the Formula Rossa before taking this one, it won't be that exciting and is just a normal roller coaster.

5. V12

V12 is basically a guided boat ride through the heart of the Ferrari Engine. However, this ride is really disappointing. They tried to create the illusion of movement with lighting but everything else is a static display. There are too many dark spots you have to pass through and there is no commentary explaining which parts of the engine you are going through. I think Ferrari World really needs to do something to this ride as it falls off the standard so badly compared to the other rides.

6. Speed of Magic

Speed of Magic is a 4-D simulator i.e. 3D animated scenes and a moving carousel. It's aimed at teenagers or young kids but I was very impressed by the 4D effects, the 3D was perfect and you can see alot of effort has been put into decorating this ride.

7. Paddock

The Paddock is where you get to see behind the scene action on the F1 racetrack. There are some props where you can take pictures of, but basically that's it.

8. Cinema Maranello

Cinema Maranello is where you get to see a 15 min film about Enzo Ferrari racing back in the 1920s. The cinema is very glamourous and the film is quite entertaining as well.

9. Galleria Ferrari

This is where you get to see up close a range of Ferraris, from the Ferrari 275 to the Testarossa & F40 plus the Schumacher F1 cars! However, there are no signs near the cars to explain to you what those cars are and why they became famous.

10. The Racing Legends

Racing Legends is another ride but this is more educational, a definite must for any racing enthusiast or Ferrari fan, where they showcased the achievements of Ascari, Lauda, Scheckter, Villeneuve & Schumacher! However, I'm surprised they left out Alain Prost & Nigel Mansell!

Also, there are some Ferraris parked at spots around the park, where you can pose next to them and take pictures but you're not allowed to sit inside them though. Anyway, I only managed to spot an old Alfa Romeo (same as the one in the film in Cinema Maranello), the Ferrari California, 599 & a 458 and also a couple of Ferrari F1 cars:

There are also quite a number of other rides designed to be more kid-friendly like the Junior GP, Bell'Italia, Carousel, Junior GT & Training Camp.

Unfortunately when I was there, a few attractions were closed e.g. Driving with the Champion & the Pit Wall but the Ferrari World management reduced the price of the tickets to reflect this, so I paid AED195 (normally AED225) to get in for the General Admission ticket. The Premium Admission tickets were priced at AED375 normally but they are definitely worth it if you plan to go on during the peak hours as you get to go on the much shorter VIP queue, especially on the Formula Rossa!

So, in summary, if you want to go through the park as fast as possible, get the Premium Admission tickets and just go to the following rides:

1. Formula Rossa (the more times the better)
2. Scuderia Challenge (pay AED50 to get on the solo ride)
3. While waiting for your time for Scuderia Challenge, go next door to Cinema Maranello
4. If you have even more time, do visit the Galleria Ferrari & Racing Legends
5. If you need another ride, go for the Speed of Magic
6. Probably Fiorano GT Challenge just to compare the Formula Rossa ride.

Have fun!

Turning Point
Indonesia's Chinese face a hard choice: Stand up for their rights or seek a new life abroad. Their decision will help shape the country's future.

By Margot Cohen in Bandung, Solo and Jakarta

July 30, 1998
Far Eastern Economic Review

"Do you want to be safe from rape?" asks an advertisement in the July 15 edition of the Bisnis Indonesia newspaper. On offer: a chastity belt of stainless steel and leather, complete with tiny key, that's being marketed by an Indonesian-Chinese entrepreneur.

Hundreds of orders have flowed in from Indonesian-Chinese around the country. Customers range from skittish secretaries to anxious husbands and fathers horrified by reports of gang rapes of ethnic-Chinese women during the mid-May rioting that led to President Suharto's resignation.

The growth of this bizarre new business underscores the profound sense of vulnerability engulfing Indonesia's Chinese community of 6 million. The Chinese, who make up 3.5% of the country's 202 million people but control much of its wealth, have been targets of arson, looting and beatings in years past. But the sheer scale of the May violence, including the widely publicized rapes, has turned their world upside down. It is forcing the Indonesian-Chinese to ask themselves a simple question, but one that will determine Indonesia's fate as well: Do they have a future in their homeland?

The answer is "no" for the tens of thousands who have already fled abroad. Many more are considering flight. "If the situation is like this, we have to leave whether we like it or not. We have to think of the next generation," says a Bandung businessman who is thinking of moving his family abroad. With each departure, Indonesia loses more of the entrepreneurial skills and capital that is vital to rebuilding the economy. However, the urge to flee is matched by an equally powerful urge: to stand firm and fight for the civil rights denied them by Suharto's New Order government.

For every Indonesian-Chinese who has left, hundreds more–the vast majority–remain. And, in a surprising development, many of them are joining a budding civil-rights movement to demand the lifting of restrictions on their political and cultural activities. After three decades of virtual silence on the subject, the emancipation of the ethnic-Chinese community is being discussed openly in public seminars and the press, in new political parties and mixed-race community groups, as part of the post-Suharto era of reformasi.

Many indigenous Indonesians, known as pribumis, see reformasi as a time to restructure the economy, using affirmative action to help pribumi businesses. They want the ethnic Chinese to teach them business know-how and help them develop a greater economic role. Many ethnic Chinese are open to this idea, as long as the rules are transparent. They are staking their future on the hope that in return for sharing their economic skills and assets with the pribumis, they will be allowed to participate fully in Indonesian society and national life. Whether that trade-off can work will determine whether the Indonesian-Chinese continue to flee, or stay to help rescue their country.

It's a trade-off that will be difficult to pull off. First, mutual demands will be hard to meet in the miserable economic climate. Government proposals to recapitalize pribumi cooperatives will require vast amounts of credit at a time when Indonesia's banking system is paralyzed. But perhaps more daunting is overcoming the mutual suspicion between the pribumi and the ethnic Chinese inculcated since the Dutch colonial era. Because of this history, and the recent anti-Chinese violence, accommodating each other's needs will have to go hand-in-hand with reconciliation.

The early signs are mixed–partly because President B.J. Habibie appears ambivalent about his ethnic-Chinese citizens. Habibie visited riot victims in Jakarta's Chinatown within a week of taking over as president, but on some occasions, he seems less than concerned by the loss of ethnic Chinese fleeing abroad. "But do you really think that we will then die" if they don't return, he said in a recent interview with The Washington Post. "Their place will be taken over by others."

Both pribumis and ethnic Chinese maintain that they cannot forge a new partnership until the government aggressively investigates the riots and the alleged role of high-ranking military officers in instigating the violence. Evidence that the rapes and other acts of brutality were carried out by organized gangs has severely eroded trust in the government. Indonesian-Chinese are demanding that the culprits be identified and the punishment fit the crime. Until then, plane tickets and passports lie ready.

Many are already long gone. Business leaders estimate 30,000 or so have gone since mid-May, with no intention of returning soon. Another exodus appears imminent: Middle-class and wealthier families are attempting to sell their homes, liquidate their businesses, and obtain visas. Young professionals also are scouting for jobs abroad. Those who cannot afford to move overseas are heading to perceived domestic safe havens such as the islands of Kalimantan and Bali.

Fear of further violence is palpable wherever there are ethnic Chinese. Take, for example, the dimly lit shops lining the streets of Bandung in west Java. While May's rioting did not spread to this city, many in the local Chinese community believe their turn is about to come–a suspicion strengthened by a flurry of flyers exhorting people to ransack Chinese businesses.

Scattered rapes of young Chinese women are still being reported in Bandung and Solo. "It's a sin to have children. They'll just be hunted down," mutters shopkeeper Sigit Sugiharja, 42, the father of two small boys. Like most Indonesian-Chinese, he says he doesn't have the money or the connections to go abroad, and won't abandon his elderly parents. He's heard that the army did little to prevent the riots in Jakarta. "What do we pay taxes for?" he asks bitterly.

Across town, another shopkeeper in his early 40s sits in an electronics store stuffed with appliances gathering dust. In June, he attended the funeral in Jakarta of a 14-year-old distant relative who he says was gang-raped in front of her parents. The rapists mutilated her genitals with a broken bottle, and she later committed suicide by drinking rat poison.

The shopkeeper (who requested anonymity) has sent his own 18-year-old daughter to safety in China. For now, his 16-year-old son remains at home, where the shopkeeper has prepared an arsenal of knives and clubs if the mob arrives. "They can take our property, but not our honour," he says, referring to the rapes. He admits that his family may ultimately follow the daughter to China or possibly move to Thailand or Malaysia. He says he's just "killing time" in his store, where business has plunged more than 90%. When he makes his move, he says, he won't even try to sell the shop, as some of his fellow Chinese are attempting in Jakarta. He'll just lock the gates, and slip away.

Unlike Bandung, the central Java city of Solo was racked by rioting in May that left 450 billion rupiah ($173 million at the July 1997 exchange rate) in damage. Half the shops remain closed, windows shattered; charred buildings gape onto streets where the traffic lights are dead. An estimated 600 families have fled, roughly 10% of the city's ethnic-Chinese population. But those who stay are defiant, not defeatist, and losing no time in rebuilding their livelihoods.

One of the organizations aiding the rebuilding is Sarana Surakarta Ventura. It is the only venture-capital firm in Solo, set up in 1996 to help both pribumi and Chinese-owned businesses. By August, the firm plans to disburse money to 150 businesses. It's not just a matter of charity. "These people have experience, they have a market, they have connections," says the firm's director, Wymbo Widjaksono. "We expect a quick return, with good long-term prospects."

While waiting for aid or insurance money to come through, some Indonesian-Chinese are reviving their businesses by relying on longstanding relationships to obtain goods on consignment. Others are collecting money owed by loyal customers. Setyowati, 37, lost 1.5 billion rupiah ($578,000 at the July 1997 rate) when the mob torched her motorcycle shop and three-storey house. But her customers sought her out after the riots to make good on their monthly payments. Now she's starting to rebuild on the same spot. "Wherever I move, it will be the same," she says matter-of-factly.

Nine weeks after the riots, victims continue to stream into the Perkumpulan Masyarakat Surakarta, a social-welfare organization established primarily by local Chinese in the 1930s. They come for sympathy and financial aid. Shortly after the riots, PMS teams fanned out to impoverished Chinese neighbourhoods, distributing 100,000 rupiah per person to cover basic needs for a month. To small retailers ready to resume their businesses, PMS doled out grants of 5 million-7 million rupiah. All told, it has disbursed 400 million rupiah so far, relying on its own coffers as well as contributions.

However, the volunteers at PMS are doing more than help pick up the pieces. They are among the many ethnic Chinese who realize that repairing the economy is no longer enough to secure their place in Indonesia. To ensure a stable future, they must break with the past.

Specifically, they want to reverse three decades of depoliticization that was ostensibly enforced to prevent a resurgence in the influence of communist China, which was accused of meddling in Indonesian politics in the 1950s and 60s. Barred from government leadership, the civil service and military rank, the Indonesian-Chinese were left to concentrate on business–and many did so brilliantly, without a second thought. But economic success "lulled us fast asleep," says Rachmat Santoso, 60, a PMS leader. "People felt satisfied. They forgot about defending their rights." He adds: "Now, whether we like it or not, we're forced to wake up. If we keep quiet, like before, we'll be trampled completely."

Other PMS volunteers chime in with a long list of complaints: The cumbersome documentation required to process identity cards and citizenship papers, despite the fact that their families have lived in Indonesia for generations. Unofficial quotas to enter state schools and universities. Restrictions on celebrations of festivals and Chinese-language instruction.

Indonesian-Chinese are now trying to redress these grievances and work with their fellow citizens through the new forums that are springing up in many cities. Take the Partai Reformasi Tionghoa Indonesia, a new political party aimed at "harmonizing" relations between ethnic Chinese and pribumis. Party leaders take pains to distance themselves from the likes of Liem Sioe Liong and other ethnic-Chinese tycoons and conglomerates which lived off the largesse of Suharto, perhaps less than 5% of the ethnic-Chinese population.

"We condemn the conglomerates–even though they are Chinese people–who colluded with the government," declares party activist Ponijan Liaw. The party's economic proposals include establishing cooperatives and holding companies involving both Chinese and pribumis. These would be vehicles for transferring business skills to pribumis, for example through apprenticeship and mentoring programmes.

Some Indonesian-Chinese prefer to devote their energies to new non-governmental organizations, such as Solidaritas Nusa Bangsa, which is lobbying for an anti-discrimination bill. The group has also filed a class-action suit against the government and the military, seeking damages for victims of the riots.

All this pressure may be starting to pay off. On July 15, President Habibie finally issued a statement of deep regret over the rapes and sexual assaults. The Jakarta administration has announced that it has abolished the hated special codes on identity cards for Indonesian-Chinese, which made them easy targets for corrupt officials. Most encouraging to the community is the fact that the armed-forces commander, Gen. Wiranto, is pressing ahead with a formal inquiry into the role of Lt.-Gen. Prabowo Subianto, Suharto's son-in-law. For now, the inquiry focuses on the kidnapping and torture of anti-Suharto activists, but many Indonesian-Chinese hope it will also shed light on the riots.

The PMS volunteers are not sure whether the most effective route to political clout is through the newly minted political parties, the NGOs, or the discussion groups forming in Jakarta. But now that the minority's consciousness-raising process has begun, Rachmat says, "it won't be difficult to advise them to rise up."

The key question is how the government and the majority pribumis respond. Their main concern is a more equitable distribution of wealth that may eventually make them the boss of the economy. Such thoughts used to be whispered during the Suharto era; now they're pronounced openly. The Habibie administration clearly favours pro-pribumi economic policies, such as directing more credit to indigenous businessmen or stimulating cooperatives run by them. "It will be strongly urged by us that the pribumis will be given more opportunities in the future," Coordinating Minister Ginandjar Kartasasmita told the REVIEW.

The government is looking at how neighbouring countries have dealt with their economically powerful minorities. In Malaysia, the affirmative-action New Economic Policy has raised the corporate assets of Malays and lowered racial tensions. In Thailand and the Philippines, assimilation has created a vibrant ethnic-Chinese business community. In Burma, expulsion of the Indians and Chinese has brought economic ruin.

In Indonesia, government contracts would seem the obvious place to start. Adi Sasono, the minister for cooperatives and small- and medium-enterprises, is lobbying for a bigger role for pribumi cooperatives in the vast distribution network. But his proposal would cost 25 trillion rupiah, the respected business magazine SWA pointed out. "This could be a good idea, but it's not realistic," the magazine demurred.

A cheaper, if more disruptive, option is suggested by leaders of the Jakarta-based Islamic Youth Movement. Assistant Secretary-General Bambang Parmadi says his group favours the enforcement of a 1964 law barring the Chinese from trading at the village level, restricting them to the towns and the cities. "The pribumis lose out in the competition with the Chinese," he says. "If the pribumis only compete among themselves, it's healthier."

The ethnic-Chinese domination of distribution became a particularly sensitive issue following the riots. Based on statements issued by pribumi conglomerate Aburizal Bakrie and others, it was widely reported that goods were scarce because the distribution network had broken down. In early July, President Habibie threatened to replace distributors who had fled unless they returned within two weeks.

On July 14, Steve Sondakh, the pribumi president of the Indonesian Association of Retailers, finally informed Habibie that, in fact, there had been no substantial breakdown in distribution. Goods were scarce due to a decline in production. This was confirmed by Beddu Amang, chairman of the national logistics agency. "The rural Chinese are still there and they're still doing their job," he says. "I don't believe that now there's a crisis in distribution."

While pribumis say they will work with the Chinese to rebuild the economy, they are also eager to seize opportunities to take a bigger slice of the economic pie. "If, at a later time, they don't reopen their stores, we have agreed to take over," says the chairman of Solo's chamber of commerce and industry, Suyatno Luhur Perwiro. "We have to encourage our members to fill the void. This means diversification for us." Suyatno, a pribumi active in the ruling Golkar party, adds: "Frankly, the Chinese are clever in paying off officials for permits. They use collusion. The Javanese had no chance. Now, the Javanese have to be ready to move in."

Clearly it will take sustained effort to overcome Indonesia's racial divide. The gulf between the two communities is illustrated by Partiman, a pribumi who was left with no work after a mob attacked the Chinese-owned gold shop in Solo where he used to fashion rings. His modest home, on the outskirts of Solo, is bare. His wife, Umiyati, has sold their furniture, television and even crockery to buy rice and keep three children in school. Partiman says he cannot understand why the ethnic Chinese are not considered pribumi since they were born here. But asked whether he feels sorry for his Chinese employer, he says: "How can I feel pity for him, when my own situation is like this?" In fact, he does not even know his employer by name. "Usually, with the Chinese, I don't know their names," he replies. "I just call them 'boss.'"

Many Indonesian-Chinese are acutely aware of the hostility they provoke. "If we don't want to be discriminated against, we must not discriminate against other people," says Michael Utama Pernama, an executive at a major candy firm. He advises other ethnic-Chinese businessmen: "Please try to be humane to your maid, to your workers, to your labourers."

Pernama can afford to flee, but he prefers to stay. The same goes for 31-year-old financial consultant Daniel Budiman, who has an MBA from Harvard and a resume that includes Merrill Lynch and Procter & Gamble. "My greatest fear is not being able to live in my own country," says the Jakarta native. But he quickly adds: "I feel invigorated that we will probably be allowed to participate in all aspects of life in Indonesia." That belief in a better future may ultimately prove to be Indonesia's greatest hope.

Source

Girlfriend just got pickpocketed in the tube between Hyde Park & Knightsbridge. Some guy (caucasian, tall) bumped into her just before the train stopped and in that few seconds of chaos, she found her handbag opened & the Salvatore Ferragamo purse I just bought her stolen!

Anyway, a loss is a loss, what was difficult is that there's not much info online to tell you what to do next? Basically you need to act fast, pickpockets take as little as 15-20 mins after incident to max out your credit cards, etc.

So, after some googling, here's what to do, if any of you got into the same situation:

1. Cancel all the bank cards i.e. debit/credit. Here are some numbers:

Natwest – 08706000459;
HSBC – 08456007010;
Abbey – 08459724724 option 3

2. Make a police report. Before calling, it's recommended that you've inventoried from memory what you have in your wallet. If you're pickpocketed in the tube/National Rail, you need to goto the British Transport Police (0800405040). Any other place, goto London Met. They have an online service for non-urgent cases:

https://online.met.police.uk/

3. Get replacement for your lost driving license:

http://www.direct.gov.uk/en/Motoring/DriverLicensing/NeedANewOrUpdatedLicence/DG_4022085

4. You'll need to contact your embassy for replacement of ID card. For Malaysians, you'll need to go to Malaysian High Commision (45 Belgrave Square SW1X 8QT) and get replacement IC with following documents:

- A copy of the police report
- A copy of the Malaysian Passport
- Other documents that can be used as proof of citizenship
- A self-addressed envelope with stamps

http://www.jimlondon.net/page28-16.htm

Last week was a truly horrible & hard one for me! Staring at a 33% loss on my portfolio, all my Lehman shares went belly up, girlfriend of 6 years wanted a break-up due to the distance (I don't blame her…just thought our 6 years would have meant more), and promotion got again delayed…but the surprising thing is I got an offer from a family friend for a job in Afghanistan or Saudi. I have doubts working for a Chinaman and I hardly know him, but I wonder how bad can it be compared to what I'm doing now…perhaps, I need to goto Afghanistan to experience something new & get away from all my troubles now.

sighz…

Here is a guide of visa requirements for Malaysia passport holders. Please note that visa restrictions change regularly so it is extremely important that you check with your travel agent or preferably direct with the embassy.

Last updated: Aug 5, 2008

Country	Visa required?	Validity of visa / tourist card
Afghanistan		More info on Embassy website.
Algeria		More info on Embassy website.
Andorra	-	Not required for tourism.
Angola		No embassies in Asia as yet.
Anguilla	-	Not required for tourism.
Antigua Barbuda	-	Not required for tourism.
Argentina	-	Up to 30 days without a visa.
Aruba	-	Not required for tourism.
Australia		Visa required. Apply via ETA
Azerbaijan		More info on Embassy website.
Austria	-	Up to 3 months without a visa
Bangladesh		More info on High Commission website.
Bahamas	-	Not required for tourism.
Barbados	-	Not required for tourism.
Bahrain		Visa on arrival, up to 2 weeks.
Belarus		More info on Tourism website
Belgium	-	Not required for tourism.
Belize	-	Not required for cruise. More info here
Bermuda	-	Not required for tourism.
Bhutan		More info on Tourism website
Bolivia		No embassy in Malaysia
Bosnia Herzegovina	-	Up to 90 days.
Botswana	-	Not required for tourism.
Brazil	-	Not required for tourism.
Brunei	-	Not required for tourism.
Burundi	-	Not required for tourism.
Cambodia	-	Up to 30 days.
Canada		More info on website.
Chile	-	Up to 30 days without a visa
China		More info here
Colombia	-	Not required for tourism.
Costa Rica		More info on Tourism website
Croatia	-	Not required for tourism
Cuba		Apply via Embassy
Cyprus	-	Not required for tourism
Czech Republic	-	Not required for tourism
Denmark	-	Not required for tourism
Dominican Rep.	-	Require Tourist Card
Ecuador	-	Up to 90 days without a visa
Egypt		Enquire in Embassy
El Salvador	-	Up to 3 months without a visa
Estonia	-	Not required for tourism
Ethiopia		Visa can be obtained on arrival
Fiji	-	Not required for tourism
Finland	-	Not required for tourism
France	-	Not required for tourism
Germany	-	Not required for tourism
Ghana		Enquire in embassy
Greece	-	Up to 3 months without a visa
Guatemala	-	Not required for tourism
Guyana		More info here
Honduras	-	Up to 30 days without a visa
Hong Kong	-	Up to 90 days without a visa
Iceland	-	Not required for tourism
India		More info on website
Indonesia	-	Up to 30 days without a visa
Ireland	-	Not required for tourism
Italy	-	Not required for tourism
Japan		More info here
Jordan		More info here
Kenya		More info here
Korea	-	Up to 90 days without a visa
Kyrgyz		More info here
Laos		15 day visa can be obtained on arrival
Lebanon	-	3 month visa on arrival
Liechtenstein	-	Not required for tourism
Lithuania	-	Not required for tourism
Luxembourg	-	Not required for tourism
Macau	-	Not required for tourism
Madagascar		Enquire at Embassy
Maldives	-	Not required for tourism
Malta	-	Not required for tourism
Mexico	-	Require consular stamp at Embassy
Mongolia	-	Up to 1 month
Morocco		Enquire at Embassy
Myanmar		Visa on Arrival for travel group
Namibia	-	Not required for tourism
Nepal		Obtained on arrival, 30 days $30.
New Zealand	-	Not required for tourism
Nigeria		More info on Embassy website
Norway	-	Not required for tourism
Oman		Enquire more at Embassy
Pakistan		Enquire more at Embassy
Peru	-	Not required for tourism.
Philippines	-	Not required for tourism.
Poland	-	Not required for tourism.
Portugal	-	Not required for tourism.
Qatar		Visa on arrival.
Romania	-	Not required for tourism.
Russia		Enquire more at Embassy
Saint Helena	-	Not required for tourism.
Saint Kitts Nevis	-	Not required for tourism.
Saint Lucia	-	Not required for tourism.
Saint Martin	-	Not required for tourism.
Saint Pierre Miquelon	-	Not required for tourism.
Samoa	-	Not required for tourism.
San Marino	-	Not required for tourism.
Saudi Arabia		Enquire more at Embassy
Scotland	-	Not required for tourism
Seychelles	-	Not required for tourism.
Singapore	-	Not required for tourism.
Slovak Republic	-	Not required for tourism.
Slovenia	-	Not required for tourism.
South Africa	-	Not required for tourism.
Spain	-	Not required for tourism.
Sri Lanka	-	Not required for tourism.
Suriname	-	Not required for tourism.
Sweden	-	Not required for tourism.
Switzerland	-	Not required for tourism.
Tahiti	-	Not required for tourism.
Taiwan	-	Up to 30 days
Thailand	-	Not required for tourism
Tonga	-	Not required for tourism
Trinidad & Tobago	-	Not required for tourism
Tunisia	-	Not required for tourism
Turkey	-	Up to 3 months
U.A.E	-	Not required for tourism
Ukraine		Enquire more at Embassy
United Kingdom	-	Not required for tourism
Uruguay	-	Not required for tourism
U.S.A		Apply at Embassy
Venezuela	-	Not required for tourism
Vietnam	-	Up to 30 days
Yemen		Enquire more at Embassy
Zimbabwe		Enquire more at Embassy

but you gotta give malaysian girls a pat in the back…someone criticizes them and they still can smile & behave like nothing has happened!

There was quite some noise in the darker pictures but all kinda solved using Noiseware!

Forte: Wide-angle lenses, amazing macro mode, lotsa settings to tinker around, optical image stabilization, small, wide range of ISO settings: 100 –> 3200!

Achilles' heel: "Watercolor effect" when blown up to 7 Megapixels (esp. on higher ISO settings) – overcompensation by image processor I guess, but not so visible if you print it out. Night pics w/o tripod impossible with ISO > 200!

Anyway, some sample pics for those interested:

wahlau…money's in my stomach now…was good while it lasted….but sighz…could have gone for something much cheaper…wonder if I could make out the difference.

spendthrift mode officially OFF now.